Towards a Newer Avant-Garde presents: "To a Woman Passing By"
Friday, September 21st, 2018 (Obst, 1801 s Peoria)
To a woman passing by,
I have watched you on the street, placing foot in front of foot, darting through the mass of God’s hellish creation. I have been irreparably struck by your image, which is always departing from my view. With the abandon of your steps, you have won my admiration. I love you for your grace because your walk is so unloving and your movement so unending. I love you for your presence because your sight vaporizes and your gaze unnerves.I love you for the indifferences you cast and the interest you represent. I love you for your taste because it ruthlessly discards whatever cannot last, for you have shown me that the ever-new remains the same old thing. But most of all, I love the cloudy dreams your profanity inspires. Your’s is a rejuvenating sight, and for that I dedicate these works, my first efforts in your name.
The softness that fascinates, the pleasure that kills!
I may be an incomplete man, but I am very passionate.
Exhibiting Artists |
Tatyana Skalany, Anthony Gonzalez, Wesley Gryziak, Suzy Vogenthal, Ant Morales, Anthora Guarderas, Patrick Zapien, Erin Hagood, Stephanie Gomez
Erin Hagood, Patrick Zapien, Stephanie Gomez & Suzy Vogenthaler, insert by Wesley Gryziak
"To A Woman Passing By"
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September 11, 2018
School of the Art Institute Chicago
37 S Wabash Ave
Sharp Building, Room 327
This talk will examine the historical and present-day strategies and challenges of antifascist struggles in Germany. Against the background of Marxist theory and 'Autonomen'-style politics, join us to interrogate the failures of radical left politics and what ask what lessons we might draw from them and how they can inform challenges coming from the right in both Europe and the US today.
Our guest speakers are members of the Berlin-based anticapitalist organization TOP B3Rlin and the German-wide "UmsGanze" alliance of (post-)antifascist groups.
Bill Pelz, director of the Institute of Working Class History
Mimi Soltysik, Socialist Party USA
Electoral politics are a longstanding problem for the U.S. left. In recent decades, a number of parties have formed as an alternative to the Democratic Party: the Labor Party, the Green Party, and now, the Justice Party. However, these parties risk becoming little more than networks of activists or pressure groups on the Democratic Party, and it still remains unclear whether a serious electoral challenge to the Democratic Party is possible. Many progressives blame the “first-past-the-post” structure of U.S. elections, contra labour-friendly parliamentary systems; yet others insist that this procedural focus is misplaced. Leninists charge some quarters of the Left with misunderstanding the proper relationship of the party to the state; but for many, it remains unclear how State and Revolution bears upon the present. Most activists grant the desirability of a viable party to the left of the Democrats, but why exactly such a party is desirable-- to win reforms? to spread emancipatory consciousness?-- is contested as well. These are old questions for the American left-- as old as Henry George, Daniel De Leon, and the 1930s American Labor Party, perhaps the high point of independent electoral politics in the U.S. This panel will investigate several contemporary approaches to electoral politics to draw out the theories that motivate Leftist third parties; it will also ask how the historical achievements and failures of third parties bear upon the present.
How does the present election represent an opportunity for the development of a third party? In what ways have Bernie Sanders, Donald Trump, Jill Stein, and Gary Johnson each helped develop a window of opportunity for a third party? In what ways might these figures be responsible for miseducating, depoliticizing, or simply misdirecting potential allies?
What conditions would a Clinton or Trump administration produce for the left? How would each represent a challenge to the Left?
How might a third party avoid simply becoming either an instrument for pressuring the Democratic Party to the Left or a mere recruiting tool for activist and sectarian organizations? In other words: what are the practical and theoretical obstacles to the development of the Left beyond the default form of activity that have characterized it since the mid-20th century?
While we take for granted that a third party would have to distinguish itself from the two major parties, how could a third party attempt to draw from voters from both the Democrats and the Republicans?
The rise of progressivism and socialism in the late 19th/early 20th century defined every attempt at the development of a third party in the 20th century. How are progressive and socialist politics distinct and/or related? What role would each play in the development of a mass third party for the 21st century?
80 Years of Environmental Politics - Left and RightPanelists:
Lindsey French (SAIC)
Joy Holowicki (Rising Tide)
Peter Hudis (International Marxist-Humanist Organization)The awareness of a growing planetary climate crisis in the 1990s appeared to coincide with a change: the final collapse of the traditional forces of the Old Left (communism and social democracy) and the consolidation of what many characterize as neoliberalism. For many green thinkers and activists, the political strength of the Right in the 1990s stymied any meaningful attempt to regulate greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. But the global reach of climate change also generated sustained international resistance, which appears unified in its opposition to fossil fuel extraction. For Klein and climate justice activists, the combined weight of this resistance could “change everything” when coupled with the “erosion” of neoliberalism’s credibility, particularly in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, and the assessment that climate change is inextricably bound up with capitalism (i.e., that climate change cannot be regulated or solved using “greener” forms of capitalism, but would require a “system change”).
Yet amidst the proliferation of activity--from blocking pipelines, to campus fossil fuel divestment campaigns, to blockades to stop hydraulic fracking and mountaintop removal coal mining projects and protests at international climate talks--it remains unclear how climate activism might lead to something different. U.S. Democrats, for example, appear poised to benefit from discontents around inaction on climate change regulation (in spite of advancing neoliberal reforms in the 1990s under Bill Clinton). In the E.U., climate activism has taken a back seat to anti-austerity, as governments responsible for the strictest austerity are largely credited with leadership in decarbonizing their economies. In fact, while an agreement overhauling the Kyoto Protocol seems increasingly likely at the Paris Conference of Parties (COP 21), the same cannot be said about the prospects for “system change.”
The focus of this panel is to consider what remains unchanged by the climate crisis. For there seems to be a continued problem of how discontents under capitalism become readily integrated into new forms of capitalism; a process whereby we unwittingly contribute to the perpetuation of capitalism without intending to. We ask panelists to consider how we might arrive at a post-carbon future from the Left (i.e., in a manner that generates greater consciousness of what capitalism is and how to potentially overcome it). What would a Left response to climate change look like? How does this differ from the Right?